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    Old Testament History     
    Assyrian Dominance (745 BC-640 BC)    
    	Dennis Bratcher      
               
    	                 
    It is a common historical observation that the Israelite nations, both 
	the United Kingdom and later the two Kingdoms of Israel (North) and Judah 
	(South), came into existence in a vacuum of power in the Middle East. The 
	biblical account presents Israel’s entry and settlement in the land in 
	theological terms without apology. However, from a purely historical 
	perspective (which, of course, is a rather modern rational construct) the 
	tiny nation of Israel flourished from the 12th century to the 8th century BC 
	because there were no other regional powers sufficient to challenge it.                  
    Egypt to the south had already seen its days of glory and was no longer a 
	serious claimant to empire. While there would be brief revivals under a few 
	strong pharaohs, Egypt would never recover the glory days of the great 
	pyramid builders. The Hittite Empire to the North had crumbled long before 
	Israel entered the land, and the Syrians were never strong enough alone to 
	pose any serious threat to Israel. The Israelites gradually subdued or made 
	trading partners the encroaching Sea Peoples, the Phoenicians and 
	Philistines, along the coast to the West. The older kingdoms of Mesopotamia 
	to the North and East had long since disintegrated into warring factions, 
	and no strong leader had yet emerged to weld them into a unified nation. 
	After early conflicts with Canaanite tribes, and in spite of occasional 
	skirmishes with surrounding nations, Israel enjoyed 400 years without major 
	threats of conquest.                  
    Yet, Israel was located in a strategic geographical position on the 
	single narrow strip of arable land at the crossroads between Africa, 
	Mesopotamia, and Asia Minor. Israel was particularly vulnerable should 
	nations to the North decide to build an empire, because the only land route 
	to the wealth of North Africa and Egypt lay through Israel. This 
	geographical fact even allowed the prophets to use the metaphor "enemy from 
	the North" to refer to any threat to the nation (for example, Isa 41:25, Jer 
	1:14-15, Ezek 1:4, 23:24, 38:14-15, Joel 2:20, etc.).                  
    The relative calm ended in the middle eighth century BC. In 745 BC, 
	Tiglath-Pileser III (called Pul in biblical traditions; 2 Kings 15:19) took 
	the throne of Assyria. A shrewd and capable ruler, he quickly managed to 
	forge the warring Assyrian factions into a formidable nation. Soon, Assyria 
	ruthlessly began building an empire, extending control over Babylon and the 
	Medes to the East, defeating the Kingdom of Urartu to the North, and 
	extending control to the West into Eastern Asia Minor, Phoenicia (Tyre), 
	Syria (Damascus), and into northern Israelite territory.                   
    The nations of Israel and Judah, for the first time in their history, 
	would now have to deal with a serious military threat to their very 
	existence. Yet, neither nation was in any shape to face such a threat. Here 
	we could again divide the problems up into spiritual and political. But the 
	biblical traditions do not make such an easy division. They interpret what 
	we would understand to be political and military weakness, and inadequate 
	leadership, as a spiritual and moral decay that had undermined the fabric of 
	both nations (See Baal Worship in the Old Testament). 
	However, for our purposes here we will track the events from the perspective 
	of the political leadership of the nations, realizing that the biblical 
	traditions interpret the events through the lens of faithfulness to Yahweh.                   
                      
    Following the relatively stable and prosperous reign of Jereboam II, the 
	northern Kingdom of Israel collapsed into near anarchy. Internal turmoil and 
	power struggles combined with a series of assassinations left Israel in no 
	position to cope with the growing Assyrian menace. And, as the prophets Amos 
	and Hosea pointed out, spiritual decline and Ba’al worship were rampant, 
	factors that further weakened national identity and resolve. At the very 
	time that Tiglath-Pileser III was coming to power in Assyria, marking the 
	rebirth of the Assyrian Empire and the greatest external threat the 
	Israelites had faced since the beginning of the Kingdom, Israel was 
	self-destructing. The Northern Kingdom would never recover.                   
    Zechariah (746-745) and 
	Shallum (745)                  
    Zechariah, the son of Jereboam II and the fourth king in the lineage of 
	Jehu, took the throne after the 40-year reign of his father. However, after 
	only 6 months in office he was assassinated by Shallum ben Jabesh who 
	attempted to seize the throne (2 Kings 15:8-12). However, Shallum was 
	likewise murdered after only a month in power by Menahem ben Gadi.                   
                      
    After assassinating his predecessor, Shallum, Menahem began his reign by 
	cruel subjugation of those who opposed him. Israel remembered the atrocities 
	he committed to establish his control (2 Kings 15:16). Although Menahem 
	reigned nearly 10 years, he was a weak ruler. Faced with the prospect of 
	Assyrian invasion, Menahem taxed the wealthy of the Kingdom to pay tribute 
	to Tiglath-Pileser, thus avoiding a direct invasion. But by so doing, for 
	all practical purposes he had surrendered the nation to the Assyrians and 
	made it a vassal state of the Assyrian Empire. We can only speculate as to 
	the national mood at this point, but the unfolding events suggest that there 
	was strong resentment against subjugation to Assyria.                   
                      
    Mehahem’s son Pekahiah took the throne but was quickly assassinated by 
	one of his officers, Pekah ben Remaliah ("son of Remaliah," Isa 7:1ff, 2 
	Kings 15:23-26), who then took the throne.                   
    Pekah (736-732) and the 
	Syro-Ephraimitic coalition                  
    Pekah's assassination of Pekahiah set the nation on a dangerous course.  
	Perhaps pushed to action by Israelite nationalists, perhaps encouraged by 
	other nations wanting to stop the Assyrian advance, Pekah began an 
	aggressive anti-Assyrian program that would prove disastrous. The Northern 
	Kingdom, torn by internal dissension and political intrigue and crippled 
	spiritually by the syncretism with Ba’al worship, was in no condition to 
	launch such a campaign. But Pekah forged ahead with his plans seemingly 
	heedless of the consequences.                   
    Pekah formed a military alliance with Rezin the king of Damascus (the 
	territory of Aram or Syria) to resist the Assyrians. Apparently realizing 
	that even those two combined nations were not enough to withstand Assyria, 
	Pekah tried to recruit others into the rebellion. He made an appeal to the 
	Southern Kingdom of Judah, at this time ruled by Jotham son of Uzziah, to 
	join their efforts. Jotham refused. We are left to speculate as to his 
	reasons for refusing, but in light of the Assyrian threat, it was probably a 
	wise course of action.                   
    At this point Pekah made an incredible decision. With resources already 
	low, Pekah decided with the aid of Rezin to march his army south to Judah, 
	remove Jotham by force, and replace him with a ruler more agreeable to his 
	plans (Isa 7:6). The course of events is not clear, but it appears that 
	other nations such as Edom to the south and the Philistines to the west took 
	the opportunity to side against Judah in order to secure their own positions 
	(2 Kings 16:6, 2 Chron 28:17-18).                   
    As Pekah marched his army to the south, Jotham abruptly died and was 
	succeeded by his son Ahaz who had to face the threat from the combined 
	Aramean and Israelite forces. Pekah actually managed to lay siege to 
	Jerusalem. Here the Chronicles account (2 Chron 28:1-15) differs 
	considerably from the account in 2 Kings (16:5). While the Chronicler tells 
	of a great slaughter, as well as defeat and looting of Jerusalem as 
	punishment for the wickedness of Ahaz, 2 Kings simply says that Pekah could 
	not defeat Ahaz. Since the purpose of the invasion was to replace Jotham (or 
	Ahaz), and that did not occur, it seems that the 2 Kings account is more 
	accurate.                   
    This is not to say that the Chronicles’ account is false. It is entirely 
	possible that there was a great loss of life as Jerusalem was besieged. But 
	it is obvious that the Chronicles account emphasizes far more the negative 
	aspects of the invasion as a vehicle for the theological point that 
	disobedience to God brings consequences (to preserve some sense of justice, 
	the Chronicler notes that the Northerners did not profit from their looting 
	of the city, 2 Chron 28:8-15). The writer of Kings only wanted to say that 
	the invasion ultimately failed and Ahaz remained on the throne of Judah.                   
    Ahaz had appealed to Assyria for assistance in repelling the invading 
	coalition armies. That had its own consequences in the Southern Kingdom (for 
	the impact of this invasion on the Southern Kingdom, see under the reign of 
	Ahaz), but placed the Northern Kingdom and Pekah in imminent peril. The 
	Assyrian King, while not really needing it to act, had an open invitation to 
	invade the Northern Kingdom with support from Judah to the South. The 
	Assyrian armies began to deal one by one with the rebellious nations. In 
	734, Tiglath-Pileser’s armies decimated the Philistine territories along the 
	coast southwest of Judah, cut off any assistance from Egypt to the south, 
	and then turned back north to deal with Israel. By 733 the Assyrians had 
	taken most of the northern territories of Israel and surrounding areas, and 
	were poised to take Samaria, the northern capital (2 Kings 15:29). Later, 
	they would strike further north and ravage the Syrian territories.                   
    At this point, Pekah was assassinated by Hoshea who took control of the 
	Northern Kingdom. Again, while we have no direct evidence, events suggest 
	that this assassination was an attempt to change policy toward Assyria and 
	save the nation.                   
    Hoshea (732-724) and the 
	end                  
    Hoshea immediately surrendered the Northern Kingdom to Shalmeneser V 
	(some think this was Shalmaneser IV), the new king of Assyria, and paid 
	tribute (2 Kings 17:1-3). This action probably saved Samaria from 
	destruction, at least for a while, but only put the Northern Kingdom more 
	firmly in the grasp of the Assyrians.                   
    There was no doubt still a faction within Israel that wanted 
	independence. While Hoshea had acted to save what remained of the nation, he 
	eventually saw what he thought was an opportunity to break free of Assyrian 
	control. He made an alliance with Egypt, thinking he could rely on them for 
	military assistance, and withheld tribute from Assyria (2 Kings 17:4). But 
	Egypt at this time was weak and was worthless as a military ally. 
	Shalmeneser’s army attacked the reduced Israelite Kingdom in 724, captured 
	most of the land, and took Hoshea prisoner. Only Samaria remained. It was 
	besieged for 3 years, and was finally taken in 721 (2 Kings 17:5-6). The 
	city was destroyed, the northern Kingdom transformed into a province of the 
	Assyrian Empire, a number of the people taken as prisoners or exiles to 
	Assyria, and other people resettled in the captured territory (2 Kings 
	17:24-34).                   
    The Northern Kingdom had ceased to exist. Even though there were 
	continued prophetic dreams of a restored and unified Kingdom (for 
	example, 
	Ezek 37:18-22) it would forever disappear from history. The writer of 2 
	Kings gives a long theological evaluation of the fall of the Northern 
	Kingdom, attributing their demise to faithlessness to their covenant with 
	Yahweh in worshipping other gods (2 Kings 17:7-18).                   
                      
    The middle eighth century BC was relatively prosperous for both 
	the Northern Kingdom of Israel and the Southern Kingdom of Judah. Even 
	though Jeroboam II’s reign in the Northern Kingdom provided a period of 
	relative peace and prosperity, he continued to allow Ba’al worship to 
	flourish and was therefore seen as taking another step toward disaster for 
	the nation (Amos 7:10-17). During the same period in the Southern Kingdom of 
	Judah, Uzziah also proved to be a capable leader providing a corresponding 
	forty year period of peace and prosperity for Judah. (2 Chron 26). Uzziah 
	was one of only five kings of the Southern Kingdom whom the biblical 
	traditions give passing marks as a leader. So, there is some sense of the 
	passing of an era and the dawning of an ominous future in Isaiah of 
	Jerusalem marking the beginning of his ministry as "the year that king 
	Uzziah died" (Isa 6:1).                   
    Jotham (co-regent, 750-742; 
	king, 742-735)                  
    King Uzziah contracted leprosy during the latter part of his reign, so 
	his son Jotham shared the throne as co-regent for the last years of Uzziah’s 
	rule, although it is likely that Uzziah retained control. Considering the 
	monumental events swirling through the area, very little notice is taken of 
	the reign of Jotham. The accounts in both Kings and Chronicles note a few 
	building projects (2 Chron 27:1-5, 2 Kings 32-35) while the Chronicler adds 
	a victory over the Ammonites that resulted in three years of tribute. Both 
	accounts give him mixed ratings, noting that he tried to follow the 
	practices of Uzziah but did not promote any religious reforms. The 
	Chronicler tends to sanitize Jotham’s reign, omitting any reference to the 
	threat from the alliance of Rezin of Syria and Pekah of Israel mentioned in 
	Kings (The Syro-Ephraimitic Coalition, 2 Kings 15:37). 
	Since Jotham died just as the armies of Pekah were poised to strike at 
	Jerusalem, it fell to his son Ahaz to deal with this threat.                   
                      
    Ahaz is remembered as one of the worst kings of Judah, not only willing 
	to surrender the country to Assyria for his own survival but also willing to 
	compromise the nation’s commitment to God. Ahaz came to the throne just as 
	the coalition of Syria and Israel was ready to depose his father Jotham and 
	replace him with someone more sympathetic to their anti-Assyrian plans (Isa 
	7:6) . We do not know all of the motivations that drove Ahaz since much of 
	the biblical account views his actions through the consequences it had both 
	politically and religiously for the Southern Kingdom. But his actions 
	spelled disaster in both areas for Judah.                   
    Ahaz faced the prospect of civil war with the Northern Israelites. No 
	doubt taking advantage of a volatile situation, the Edomites to the south 
	captured Elath, Judah’s port on the Red Sea and forced Ahaz’ army to retreat 
	(2 Kings 16:6). About the same time the Philistines along the southeastern 
	coast, whom Judah had held in check for some time, began raiding into the 
	hill country along Judah’s southern borders. Ahaz, unwilling or unable to 
	wage campaigns on three fronts, began seeking military alliances with other 
	nations. The prophet Isaiah desperately pleaded with Ahaz to trust in the 
	promises of God and not to pursue such a reckless course of action (Isa 
	7-8). But Ahaz ignored Isaiah, and after overtures to Egypt failed to 
	produce any results, he finally appealed to the Assyrian ruler Tiglath 
	Pileser III for assistance (1 Kings 16:7-10). In effect, Ahaz had willingly 
	surrendered the Southern Kingdom to Assyria.                   
    Assyria needed little excuse to take action, and the events that unfolded 
	led to the destruction of the Northern Kingdom by the Assyrians in 721 BC. 
	While saving his throne and averting the same fate for the Southern Kingdom, 
	Ahaz and Judah were now vassals of the Assyrian Empire. In the ancient Near 
	Eastern culture, where each nation had a patron deity as protector and 
	defender of that country, subjugation of another country meant that the gods 
	of the victor had prevailed over the gods of the other. As vassal of 
	Assyria, Ahaz was compelled to acknowledge the Assyrian gods as his own.                    
    On a trip to Damascus to meet the Assyrian king to pledge his loyalty, 
	and probably to pay homage to Assyrian deities as well, he saw an altar to 
	Asshur the patron deity of Assyria. He made plans of this altar, sent them 
	to Jerusalem, and instructed that the altar be built and placed in the 
	Temple for his use. When he returned from Damascus, Ahaz offered sacrifices 
	on the altar.  In addition, he removed some of the furnishings of the 
	Temple and closed the king’s entrance into the Temple at the instructions of 
	the Assyrian ruler (2 Kings 16:10-18). In effect, Ahaz had converted part of 
	the Temple into a shrine to Asshur!                   
    With the king providing such an example, Ba’al worship and all sorts of 
	Canaanite religious practices flourished. Ahaz himself even allowed one of 
	his sons to be offered as a child sacrifice (2 Kings 16:3). This era was 
	remembered as one of the worst times of apostasy from God in the Southern 
	Kingdom, rivaled only by the reign of Manasseh. The prophets Isaiah and 
	Micah both scathingly denounced the apostasy and warned of dire consequences 
	for the Southern Kingdom, just as had already happened to the North, if 
	Judah did not repent and return to God (Mic 1:2-16, 3:9-12, Isa 9:8-10:4). 
	But the nation remained captive to Assyrian and Assyrian gods throughout the 
	reign of Ahaz.                   
                      
    As bad as the reign of Ahaz had been, the reign of his son Hezekiah was 
	remembered as one of the best for Judah. Hezekiah came to the throne just as 
	events were heating up again in Palestine. After two decades of Assyrian 
	rule, many of the surrounding nations as well as Judah were anxious to be 
	free of the Assyrians. And there were many faithful followers of Yahweh in 
	Judah, as exemplified by Micah and Isaiah with his group of followers, who 
	found the religious situation under Ahaz intolerable. Hezekiah would quickly 
	be caught up in a series of events that would allow Judah to escape the fate 
	of Samaria and the Northern Kingdom, at least for a while.                   
    The new Assyrian king, Sargon II who came to power about the time Samaria 
	fell in 722/1 BC, was occupied in the northern, eastern, and western 
	provinces of the Assyrian Empire quelling revolts and consolidating his 
	reign. This eased some pressure on Palestine toward the end of the rule of 
	Ahaz. Egypt, who had been weak during for some time, experienced a 
	resurgence of power with a new dynasty around 716-715 BC, and encouraged 
	rebellion against Assyria in Palestine and Syria as a means of establishing 
	a buffer zone between Egypt and Assyria should Assyria again turn ambitious.                    
    Led by Ashdod around 714, several Philistine city-states withheld tribute 
	from Assyria, and surrounding nations were invited to join the rebellion 
	with promised aid from Egypt. We have little information about Hezekiah’s 
	involvement in the rebellion, although it is clear that Isaiah advised him 
	to have no part of an alliance with Egypt (Isa 20). If he sided with the 
	rebels at all, he managed to extricate himself before it was too late. By 
	712 Sargon had ruthlessly crushed the rebellion since the promised Egyptian 
	aid never came.                   
    However the pressure to purge Assyrian rule and deities from Judah 
	continued to mount. Hezekiah, encouraged to restore the worship of Yahweh by 
	the prophets Isaiah and Micah, began a series of sweeping religious reforms 
	that intended to purge the pagan religious practices as well as to address 
	the social abuses that had been allowed to prevail under Ahaz. The biblical 
	traditions report this as simply an attempt to cleanse the nation of the 
	religious syncretism that Ahaz had allowed to pollute the land (2 Chron 29). 
	But since the altar to Assyrian gods had tremendous political implications, 
	the reforms were hardly purely religious. To remove the Assyrian shrines was 
	the same as rejecting Assyrian rule. While the biblical reports are matter 
	of fact, the reforms probably were done gradually over a period of time 
	rather than a radical break all at once.                   
    In any case, by 704 Hezekiah’s opportunity came. Sargon II was 
	assassinated and Sennacherib (705-681 BC) came to power in Assyria. 
	Typically, outlying provinces attempted to rebel and Sennacherib was 
	immediately spread thin attempting to hold the Empire together. Hezekiah was 
	ready for a break from Assyria and withheld tribute, an open signal of 
	rebellion. Other states in the area joined the rebellion and Hezekiah, in 
	brokering an alliance with Egypt over the objections of Isaiah (Isa 30, 31), 
	became the leader of the revolt. It took Sennacherib until 701 to quiet the 
	other provinces sufficiently to turn his attention to Hezekiah.                   
    Sennacherib marched from the north into Palestine intent on devastating 
	cities that had rebelled. He began along the northwestern coastal area of 
	Phoenicia and the seaport of Tyre, which quickly fell. The defeat of Tyre 
	caused many of the city-states as far away as Moab and Ammon to promptly 
	reassert their allegiance to Assyria. However, the Philistine cities of 
	Ashkelon and Ekron along with the Kingdom of Judah continued to refuse 
	tribute to Sennacherib. Determined to teach the rebellious cities a lesson, 
	Sennacherib continued his southward march. In a short span of time, he had 
	secured all of the Philistine territory along the coast and turned inland to 
	deal with Hezekiah and Judah. The Assyrians destroyed a great number of 
	towns in Judah and finally laid siege to Jerusalem itself.                   
    At this point, the accounts of the ensuing campaigns of Sennacherib are 
	not clear and there are differing opinions about the precise sequence of 
	events. The debate centers on whether there were two separate campaigns by 
	Sennacherib against Hezekiah, one in 701 and another in 688-687, or only one 
	in 701. The evidence, both from biblical accounts and Sennacherib’s own 
	Annals, which have survived, is unclear. Some suggest that at this time 
	Hezekiah, fearing the worst, sent envoys to Sennacherib and secured a peace 
	treaty at the price of heavy tribute that resulted in Hezekiah stripping the 
	temple of it gold to meet the demands (2 Kings 18:13-16). They suggest that 
	later Hezekiah again rebelled against Assyria around 690 with assistance 
	from the new Egyptian pharaoh Tirhakah while Sennacherib was busy putting 
	down unrest in Babylon (2 Kings 19:9). Since Tirhakah did not become Pharaoh 
	until 690, this would imply a second campaign by Sennacherib subsequent to 
	the 701 incursion.                   
    However, most historians contend that there was only one campaign, with 
	all the above events relating to the siege of Jerusalem in 701. Their 
	perspective is that Hezekiah attempted to prevent the destruction of 
	Jerusalem by sending tribute, but Sennacherib was not satisfied with the 
	offer and was determined to destroy Jerusalem and humiliate Hezekiah (2 
	Kings 18:17-18). The reference to Tirhakah would then either be an 
	anachronistic reference from a later period, or a reference to Tirhakah as a 
	military leader a decade before he became pharaoh. In any case, the details 
	are not adequate enough from the biblical account to decide with any 
	certainty.                   
    Regardless of the precise historical details, the primary biblical concern is the devastation of large 
	areas of Judah by the Assyrians and the outcome of the siege of Jerusalem. 
	There are various theories about what happened to end the siege, such an 
	infestation of rats that led to a sudden deadly plague (2 Kings 19:35) or an 
	unexpected recall of Sennacherib to Assyria (2 Kings 19:5-7), but they seem 
	to miss the point of the biblical narrative. The biblical traditions simply 
	remembered that just as it seemed inevitable the Assyrians would take the 
	city, they suddenly left in the middle of the night never to return to the 
	city (2 Kings 19:35-37). Clearly, the biblical traditions attribute this to 
	God, just as Isaiah had promised Hezekiah (Isa 37:33-35). The implication of 
	these events from the biblical perspective is that God spared the city 
	because of the faithfulness of Hezekiah and the reforms that he had 
	instituted in the worship of Yahweh (2 Chron 31:20-21). Even so, both the 
	account in Kings and especially the parallel account in Chronicles note that 
	Hezekiah was not not a model king and had a tendency to pride and self 
	glorification (Isa 39; 2 Chron 32:24-26).                   
                      
      Theological Note: It should not diminish this 
		perspective either theologically or historically to note that the 
		deliverance of Jerusalem from the Assyrians would later lead to the 
		dogma of the  inviolability of Zion, the idea that God would 
		always under all circumstances protect the city of Jerusalem and the 
		Temple. This assumed that the promise of Isaiah was a timeless and unconditional one. 
		Jeremiah would later face these ideas that presented a tremendous 
		hindrance to his own message, which was precisely the opposite of 
		Isaiah’s: that the city of Jerusalem would fall to the Babylonians (note Jer 7:1-11). He would also face false prophets such as Hananiah (Jer 
		28), who no doubt quoted the words of Isaiah to him with full confidence 
		without considering that there was no righteous king close to the 
		equivalent of Hezekiah and therefore the message from God might be 
		different. It is even possible that these prophets were later disciples 
		of Isaiah who were trying to preserve a tradition for its own sake 
		without standing in the "council" of God (Jer 23:21-22).                   
      It is a sober warning that God’s word for his people 
		might be different at different times. Likewise it warns how easily and 
		dangerously God’s people can assume that what was true in the past must 
		always be true without qualification or consideration of how the 
		condition of the people and their response might affect history. In many 
		ways, it is this same assumption about the work of God in the world that 
		caused problems for Jesus. Ironically, it was the Isaiah tradition 
		itself that challenged the idea of "what has been must be" as it 
		proclaimed God as the God of new things (Isa 42:8-9, 43:18-21).                   
                       
    The last years of Hezekiah’s reign are obscure. If there were two 
	invasions by Sennacherib, then Hezekiah’s entire reign was occupied with the 
	Assyrian threat. If there was only one, the later part of his reign was 
	evidently uneventful, except for some building projects around Jerusalem (2 
	Kings 20:20, 2 Chron 32:27-32).                   
    	This section is not yet finished; it will be 
	made available as it is completed.                   
    	Manasseh (687-642)                   
    	Amon (642-640)                   
    	-Dennis Bratcher, Copyright ©         
    2018, Dennis 
	Bratcher, All Rights Reserved                
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	OT History 
		
	Old Testament 
		 
	History/Culture 
		 
	Israelite Kings Chart 
		 
	Key Biblical Dates 
		 
	Prophets Date Chart 
		 
	Political Rulers NT Palestine 
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